# Comparing The Khalsa Rehat: Damdami, Nihang, Nanaksar, AKJ And Singh Sabha Traditions



## spnadmin (Oct 1, 2009)

Observing the Khalsa Rahit      in North America: Some Issues and Trends


    Pashaura Singh

From this source: Untitled Document
​ 
    RECENT controversy over the "correct" observance of the "Sikh      Code of Conduct" (Rahit Maryada) has sparked a world-wide debate within      the Sikh community. This ongoing debate between certain Sikh groups represented      by the Damdami Taksal (literally, "mint"; here "a school of      Sikh exegesis" belonging to the Damdama tradition)1, a recently formed      body of Sikh Sants (Gurmat Sidhant Parcharak Sant Samaj, "Society of      Sikh Sants: Preachers of the Fundamentals of the Gurus' Teachings"),      the Akhand Kirtani Jatha (or the "group devoted to continuous singing      of the Sikh scriptures") and the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee      (SGPC), revolves mainly around the recitation of liturgical prayers, particularly      the Sodar Rahiras (Evening Prayer) and Ragamala (a list of the ragas noted      at the end of the Guru Granth Sahib), at Akal Takhat, Harimandar Sahib and      other historic gurdwaras under the control of the SGPC. The Damdami Taksal      upholds a version of the Rahit that is significantly different from the standard      manual and insists that it should be followed since it had been bequeathed      to the Panth by Guru Gobind Singh when he inaugurated the order of the Khalsa      in 1699. This is a claim, which needs to be examined from a purely historical      perspective.

    In 1988 the Damdami Taksal was able to implement its Maryada at the Golden      Temple and Akal Takhat through Bhai Jasbir Singh Khalsa (nephew of the militant      leader Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale), the then Jathedar of Akal Takhat.      Bhai Jasbir Singh (who was held in custody since 1985 on charges of sedition)      assumed the office of the Jathedar of the Akal Takhat soon after he was freed      from jail in March 1988. He issued a directive on 30 March 1988 at Anandpur      Sahib to start the reading of "Ragamala" at Akal Takhat.2 Since      1936 "Ragamala" was not read at Akal Takhat but only at Harimandir      Sahib. Although the SGPC resisted the move initially, it tactically kept silent      and postponed to implement its own decision (Resolution No. 11, passed on      11 June 1988) of reverting to the earlier Maryada in the wake of militancy      in the Punjab.3 But when the political situation changed, the SGPC executive      took the decision in a meeting at Gurdwara Sangh Dhesian (in Jalandhar district),      in May 1993 to revert to the "Maryada" prevalent before March 30,      1988, at Harimandir Sahib and Akal Takhat.

    Some observers look at the Rahit Maryada controversy from a perspective in      which different competing groups are seeking legitimacy and the rights to      speak for die Panth with the ultimate goal of controlling the SGPC. They dismiss      it as a sign of the present times. They further maintain that the controversy      will be over as soon as the political situation in the Punjab returns to normal      and the SGPC elections are held. This is indeed a simple explanation of what      seems to be a complex phenomenon. The Rahit Maryada debate involves deeper      issues, which surface within the Sikh Panth from time to time. This becomes      clear from the "Draft of Sikh Rahit Maryada" (Kharara Sikh Rahit      Maryada4), released by the Gurmat Sidhant Parcharak Sant Samaj in April 1994      at Anandpur Sahib. The idea- of this thirty-two-page document was conceived      at a meeting of various Sikh Sants, the Damadami Taksal and other Sikh organizations      on 8 August 1993 at Gurdwara Damadama Sahib,Jodhan Mansuran in Ludhiana district.      This new manual of Rahit Maryada begins with the definition of a "Sahaj-dhari      Sikh" (who is slowly aspiring to become a puran gursikh or "Perfect      Sikh of the Guru") and then provides a brief description of an "Amrit-dhari      Sikh", thus raising the issue of Sikh identity all over again.3

    The standard manual entitled Sikh Rahit Maryada was published under the auspices      of the SGPC in 1950 after reaching a general consensus within the Sikh community.      It has ever since been regarded as an authoritative statement of Sikh doctrine      and behavior. The SGPC maintains that this manual is a representative of the      "collective personality of the Panth" and dial no single group has      any right or authority to challenge it. It is, however, important to note      that the Sikh Rahit Maryada was produced as a result of the Tat Khalsa reforms,      which represented the dominant component of the Singh Sabha movement. It seeks      to establish Sikhism as "a monolithic, codified and reified religion"      with universal norms of orthodoxy and orthopraxy. To this day its wide circulation      of approximately two hundred thousand copies represents a measure of Singh      Sabha success. Its reading certainly accentuates the image of a uniform Khalsa      identity.

    In order to understand the nature of the Rahit Maryada debate, however, we      need to look at the ascendancy of the Tat Khalsa interpretation of Sikh tradition      and culture. Here, it will be useful to note the basic argument of Harjot      Oberoi's thesis advanced in The Construction of Religious Boundaries. He has      provided a perceptive analysis of how the Tat Khalsa succeeded in eradicating      all forms of religious diversity at the turn of the century. He claims:

_"The older pluralist paradigm of Sikh faith was displaced forever      and replaced by a highly uniform Sikh identity, the one we know today as modern      Sikhism."_

    Oberoi carefully examines the process by which a new cultural elite aggressively      usurped the right to represent others within a singular tradition and established      universal norms of religious orthodoxy and orthopraxy. But the question remains      whether the Tat Khalsa has really succeeded in creating a highly uniform Sikh      identity forever. Or one can ask whether or not the homogenizing process initiated      by the Tat Khalsa is under attack in the recent debate on the issue of "correct"      observance of Rahit Maryada.

    The present paper is intended to examine the all-important question of whether      there is any "uniformity" in the actual observance of the Khalsa      Rahit throughout the Panth. Or in other words, are we justified in applying      such terms as "codified", "monolithic", "reified      religion" to understand the present day Sikh situation, particularly      the Khalsa discipline? To find answers to these questions we will focus on      certain issues and trends in the observance of the Khalsa Rahit in North America.      During the discussion a particular emphasis will be placed on the initiation-ceremony      and the external insignia of the Khalsa.

    II
    One of the momentous decisions of Guru Gobind Singh's career was to institute      the order of the Khalsa, an order of loyal Sikhs bound by common identity      and discipline. According to well-founded tradition the Guru summoned a large      number of Sikhs on Baisakhi Day 1699 and demanded the heads of five loyal      Sikhs. As historians we do not know what happened on this particular day.      Given the varying accounts of what took place on this day, it is not possible      to reconstruct the actual features of this event on the basis of available      sources. Nor does it really matter for our present purpose. The overriding      fact is that the five volunteers (panj piare, "the Five Beloved Ones")      who responded to the Guru's call for loyalty, came from different castes and      formed the nucleus of the new order of theKhalsa. They received initiation      through a ceremony variously known as khande hi pdhul or khande da amrit,      involving sweetened water, stirred with a two-edged sword and sanctified by      the recitation of five liturgical prayers. All those who chose to join the      order of the Khalsa through this ceremony were understood to be "reborn"      in the house of the Guru. From that day onwards, Guru Gobind Singh was their      spiritual father and his wife, Sahib Kaur, their spiritual mother. Their birthplace      was Kesgarh Sahib (the gurdwara that commemorates the founding of the Khalsa)      and their home Anandpur Sahib. This idea of "new birth" is stressed      at every amrit ceremony with the exposition of the following text: "By      being born to the Guru one is freed from rebirth" (satigur kai janame      gavanu mitaia7).

    In order to understand the full significance of the amrit-ceremony let us      examine it from a theoretical perspective, which explains the place of the      initiation rite in human cultures. In this context, Mircea Eliade explains      that the central moment of every initiation is represented by the ceremony      symbolizing the death of the novice and his/her return to the fellowship of      the living through a new birth. He says:

    This birth requires rites instituted by Supernatural Beings: hence it is a      divine work, created by the power and will of those Beings; it belongs, not      to nature but to sacred history...To attain the initiate's mode of being demands      knowing realities that are not a part of nature but of the biography of the      Supernatural Beings, hence of the sacred history preserved in the myths."

    In the majority of initiation rites, Eliade argues, the rhythm is similar:      an initial movement into death through which the previous existence is discarded      and a culmination of the ritual in a reformation as well as a new creation      in the image of the divine Being. He further maintains that whenever the rite      of initiation is performed it is the reactualization of the primordial event.9      Incidently, whenever the amrit-ceremony takes place it is always conducted      by five Khalsa Sikhs representing the original "FiveBeloved Ones"      (panj piare). Also, the pattern of death and rebirth during the amrit-ceremony      is singularly evident in the popular understanding of the Sikh community.

    It is important to note that initiation rites are generally transmitted orally      to successive generations. They are primarily intended for an inner circle      of believers. That is why the amrit-ceremony is not conducted in the open      and this could be the main reason why we do not find any detailed account      of the ceremony in the early sources. The earliest description of it comes      from the Chaupa Singh Rahitnama, a text written between 1750 and 1765. W.H.      McLeod who has prepared a critical edition and translation of this text maintains      that it represents the distinctive Chhibbar tradition, a tradition which was      declining within the mainstream Panth during the eighteenth century.10 The      Chhibbars were self-consciously Brahman and their brahmanical bias appears      in their literature. Nevertheless, their statements of Rahit were regarded      as authoritative for one section of the Panth during the middle years of the      eighteenth century.

    According to the Chaupa Singh Rahitnama, the amrit-ceremony was conducted      by the five devout Sikhs who were acknowledged for their piety and who had      been scrupulous in maintaining the Khalsa discipline. They prepared the amrit      by stirring sweetened water with a double-edged sword and sanctifying it with      the recitation of "Five Quatrains" (panj svayye) from the writings      of Guru Gobind Singh. The amrit was then given to the novice to drink five      times, and was sprinkled five times on his eyes and head. The initiated Sikh      then formally takes the oath by repeating the following declaration: Vahiguruji      kaKhalsa! Vahiguruji ki Fateh! (Hail to the Guru's Khalsa! Hail the victory      of the Guru!).11 Although it is the earliest description of the essential      parts of the amrit-ceremony, it is still a very sketchy one. It does not clearly      define what the author meant by "Five Quatrains" (panj svayye) from      the writings of Guru Gobind Singh. The author presupposes the knowledge of      his audience about such details. This lack of early historical evidence can      be explained only by the assumption that Sikh culture tended to be transmitted      orally.

    Our primary concern here is to understand how the tradition of giving amrit      was transmitted among the diaspora Sikhs in the past and how it is being kept      by various gurdwaras in North America in the present. There are certain historical      references which point towards the fact that the tradition was alive among      the pioneer Sikhs. For instance, Sant Teja Singh regularly toured British      Columbia and California during the period of his stay between 1908 and 1911,      exhorting ail who called themselves Sikhs to take amrit and administering      to those who responded. In his autobiography he claims to have baptized hundreds      of Sikhs in Vancouver, Victoria, Seattle, Portland, and California.12 N.G.      Barrier also reports that at a Khalsa Diwan celebration of Guru Gobind Singh's      birthday in January 1914 twenty Sikhs were given amrit including a Ramdasi.13      Evidently there was a significant number of Khalsa Sikhs in the early phase      of migration. They were certainly influenced by two important factors. First,      it was the peak of the Singh Sabha period. Second, the hostility of the host      Canadians directed against them made them more firm in their commitment to      the Khalsa ideal.

    The second phase of Sikh immigration began only in the mid-1950s when the      immigration laws were somewhat liberalized. However, the great influx of new      Sikh immigrants took place in North America in the seventies and eighties.      This was the period that marked the beginning of the "third phase of      Sikh immigration". Since then new gurdwaras have continued to proliferate,      with the increasing demands of Sikh missionaries (parcharak) coming from India      to preach among the diaspora Sikhs. The training and affiliation of these      missionaries has contributed a great deal in the introduction of diverse views      on what constitute the "correct" observance of Rahit Maryada. It      is not surprising to find people debating certain features of the Sikh Rahit      Maryada in various gurdwaras in North America.

    Now let us discuss the various details of the actual ceremony of Khalsa initiation.      The standard procedure is well explained by Kapur Singh in his account of      the "Axial Ritual" by which a Sikh is knighted a Singh and enrolled      as a member of the Order of the Khalsa.14 This account is primarily based      on the Sikh Rahit Maryada and reflects the Singh Sabha mode of interpretation.      It describes the standard procedure of the preparation of the amrit by the      Panj Piares as follows:

    All the five officiants should fix the gaze of their eyes into the water of      the bowl, and the first officiant should then recite the Japu of Guru Nanak,      all the while stirring the contents of the bowl with the sword. In a similar      manner, the Jap of Guru Gobind Singh should then be recited by the second      officiant. And then the Sudha Swayyas and then the Benati Chaupai of Guru      Gobind Singh, and then the Anand (first five and the last stanza) of Guru      Amar Dass should be recited in a similar manner, in a well modulated and clear      voice, by the third, fourth and the fifth officiant respectively. The reciter      should, all the while, keep on stirring the contents of the steel bowl with      the double-edged sword.15

    This is indeed the proper order in which die five liturgical prayers are recited      during the amrit-ceremony. The five officiants kneel around the steel bowl      (sarab loh da batta) in the "heroic posture" (bir asah) while reciting      these prayers and stirring the sweetened water with the double-edged sword.      There are, however, certain disagreements among various groups on the recitation      of the particular contents of the Benati Chaupai and the Anand Sahib.  According      to the Sikh Rahit Maryada, only the first twenty-five stanzas of the Benati      Chaupai16 should be recited, whereas the Damdami Taksal insists on twenty-nine.      In line with this argument, the 3HO ("Healthy, Happy, Holy Organization")      leader, Harbhajan Singh Khalsa challenges the orthodox standpoint as follows:      "One who recites Chaupai without Arril lives in pain and unhappiness."17

In order to understand the real issues involved in      this debate, we need to examine the content of the extra four stanzas of the      Benati Chaupai. Originally, the Benati Chaupai'8 forms part of a section called      Pakhyan Charitar ("Tales of the Wiles of Women") in the Dasam Granth.      This whole section is a collection of legendary narrative and popular anecdotes      concerning the psychology of women.19 Most of the Singh Sabha scholars consider      it highly problematic and try to avoid potentially embarrassing questions.      Our main concern here is to look at the following four stanzas which are excluded      from the standard version of the Chaupai:

_kirpa kari ham par jagg mata. granth kara puran subh rata.
    kilavikh sakal deh ko harta. dusht dokhian ko chhai karta. (26)
    sri asidhuj jabb bhae diala. puran kara granth tatakala.
    man banchhat phal pavai soi. dukkh na tisai biapat hoi. (27)
    Arril.
    sunai gung joyahi su rasana pavai. sunai murh chitti lai chaturata avai.
    dukkh darad bhau nikat na tin nar ke rahai. ho jo yakhi ek bar chaupai ko
    kahai. (28)
    sammat sattrahi sahas bhannijje. arad sahas phuni tin kahijje.
    bhadrav sudi astami ravivara. tir sattadrav granth sudhara. (29)_

The [divine] Mother of the World bestowed her grace      on us. Thus the Granth was completed in an auspicious manner. The Lord removed      all the bodily afflictions. The Creator destroyed all our wicked enemies.      (26)

    When the Lord of a Sword-on-His-Banner became compassionate: The Granth was      completed instantly! He [who receives the divine grace] alone achieves the      desired goal (phal, "fruit") of his life; and no pain can affect      him in anyway. (27)

    Arril [the Syllable Metre].20

    The dumb that listens [to this Chaupai] receives the tongue! The stupid who      listens with attention receives wisdom! Pain, grief and fear cannot even touch      that person, who recites the Chaupai only once, O Man! (ho!, "Yea!")      (28)

    First, the sambat seventeen hundred should be said; then one-half of a hundred      and three should be added [to make the sambat 1753 or 1696 CE]. It was Sunday      on the eighth day of light moon in the month of Bhadon (August/September),      when the Granth was completed on the bank of river Sutlej. (29)

Evidently, these stanzas provide important historical information about      the completion of the text of Pakhyan Chritar in sambat 1753 or 1696 on the      bank of Sutlej river at Anandpur Sahib. The only reason for their exclusion      from the standard version may be the reference to the divine "Mother      of the World" (jagg mata). The Singh Sabha scholars may have interpreted      it to point obliquely towards the worship of Mata Devi (the goddess Kali or      Durga).  This was certainly not acceptable to      those readers who share the Singh Sabha mode of interpretation. It is, however,      important to note that the word "Mata" (Mother) is frequently employed      for God in the Adi Granth. It may be interpreted as the feminine principle      in the Sikh vision of the Transcendent.21

    In the case of Guru Amar Das's Anand, the standard procedure requires that      only six prescribed stanzas-the first five and the last- should be recited      during the amrit-ceremony. It is based on the well-established tradition of      concluding each Sikh ceremony with this short version of Anand Sahib. But      most of the Sikh groups, including the Damdami Taksal, Akhand Kirtani Jatha      and the 3HO movement, insist on the complete recitation of all the forty stanzas      of Anand. Once again, we find a strong condemnation of the orthodox view in      the following words of Yogi Bhajan:

    Cursed is the Singh who breaks up the Anand! His life becomes as miserable      as a leper. One who recites the 40th Pauri after the 5th, distorts the Guru's      Words...Whoever prepares the Amrit with a broken Anand, [that Sikh goes straight      to hell!22

    Clearly, this assertion is based upon a certain classical doctrine of mantra,      which holds that a mantra becomes inefficacious if its syllables are changed      in any way or if it is recited in its incomplete form (or if it is spoken      in public) ,23 In other words, die sacred sounds of gurbani have transformative      power only if they are replicated exactly as they were first enunciated by      the Sikh Gurus. Verne Dusenbery calls this approach the "non-dualistic"      understanding of the Guru's inspired words.24 This kind of interpretation      of Gurbani in the mantra form was certainly anathema to the Singh Sabha scholars      who produced the standard manual of the Sikh Rahit Maryada. They placed emphasis      on the "meaning" of gurbani (rather than on its "sound"      properties) by following what Dusenbery calls the "dualistic" understanding      (or anti-mantra and anti-ritualistic approach) of theSikh scriptures. The      "dualistic" ideology of language "privileges reference, semantic      meaning, the arbitrariness of signifier. and signified, and the context-free      cognitive qualities of the text at the expense of the sound properties of      the words themselves."25

    For the last fourteen years or so I have frequently participated in amrit-ceremonies      conducted at various gurdwaras in North America. My own experience has greatly      sensitized me to a considerable diversity in the procedures adopted by various      groups at the time of Khalsa initiation. For instance, in 1981 Baba Nihal      Singh, Jathedar of the Taruna Dal of Nihang26 order, participated in the first      amrit-ceremony at Calgary, Alberta. He introduced a procedure, which is particularly      followed by the Nihang Singhs. Accordingly, when the amrit was ready he initiated      the novice with the complete Mul Mantar-beginning with ikk oankar and ending      with Nanak hosi bhi sach-before pouring the baptismal water in the cupped      palms for drinking. This procedure was repeated five times. However, the standard      formula-bol vahiguruji ka khalsa vahiguru ji ki fateh-was repeated five times      at the time of sprinkling of amrit in the eyes to transform one's outlook      towards life through shock-treatment. The same procedure was repeated while      applying the amrit on the top of die head to sanctify die fees ("hair").      The overall Nihang procedure is certainly distinctive in its own right.

    It should be emphasized that the Nihangs constitute a distinctive order within      the Khalsa. They are recognized by their distinctive appearance. On their      heads they wear a high turban known as a damala, surmounted by a piece of      cloth called a pharhara ("standard" or "flag"). Their      garments are always blue with some saffron and white colour-combinations.      They are rigorous in the observance of die Khalsa Rahit. Because they have      renounced all fear of death, they are always ready to die for their faith.27      In North America some Sikhs occasionally wear Nihang dress and add colour      to the scene in any Sikh gathering. They are conspicuously visible at Baisakhi      celebrations in Vancouver, Toronto, Montreal, New York and California.

    The frequent visits of Sant Mihan Singh and Sant Amar Singh of Nanaksar (-"the      Sacred Pool of Nanak") tradition resulted in the establishment of their      centers, particularly in Richmond B.C. and Toronto.28 They were also responsible      for conducting amrit-ceremonies in the early seventies according to their      own Nanaksar Maryada, which significantly differs from the standard manual.      For instance, the Panj Piare prepare amrit separately in a different room      in an esoteric manner and do not allow the novices to watch the ceremony as      participants. When amrit is ready, however, they invite them for initiation.      They recite the complete Anand Sahib (forty stanzas), a longer version of      the Benati Chaupai and complete Mulmantar (from ihk oankar to nanah hosi bhi      sochu) during the amrit-ceremony.

    The Nanaksar tradition originated with Sant Nand Singh Kaleranwale (1871/72-1943),      who enjoyed high spiritual reputation for his piety and asceticism.29 He was      succeeded by Sant Ishar Singh (1916?-63)30, who built an imposing gurdwara      called Nanaksar at Kaleran village, near a small town of Jagraon in Ludhiana      district. He is credited with having initiated about 750,000 Sikhs with the      baptism of the double-edged-sword (khande da amrii) during a brief period      of his ministry between 1950 and 1963.3' When he died in 1963, he was succeeded      by three contenders who set up separate seats in Nanaksar. Each of them has      built up a considerable following and influence among the rural people from      the neighbouring districts of Ludhiana, Ferozepur and Faridkot. Several of      their followers have settled in North America and Britain during die last      two decades. They follow their own Nanaksar Maryada, which includes the celebration      of puranamashi (the night of full moon), the recitation of arti ("adoration")      at each concluding ceremony and the devotional singing of hymns (keirtan)      while Akhand Path ("unbroken reading" of the Sikh scriptures) is      going on. They do not mount the Nishan Sahib (or "Sikh Flag") at      their gurdwaras.32

    The main centre of the present-day Damdami Taksal (Jadia Bhindran-Mehta) is      located at Gurdwara Gurdarshan Parkashat Mehta in Amritsar district. It is      actually a branch of a major school of traditional Sikh learning known as      die Bhindran Taksal. Although that Taksal was established by Sant Sundar Singh      (1883-1930) of Boparai Kalan (in Ludhiana district) in 1906, it achieved prominence      through its second incumbent, Sam Gurbachan Singh Khalsa (1902-69) of Bhindran      Kalan (hence the name "Bhindran Taksal").33 He devoted his entire      life to teaching correct enunciation and intonation in reciting die Sikh scriptures.      He trained a large number of gianis (traditional Sikh scholars) through his      mobile seminary. When he died in 1969 he was succeeded by two contenders,      Giani Mohan Singh (1919-) and Sant Kartar Singh (1932-77), the former leading      the original Malwa branch in Ludhiana district and the latter leading the      Majha branch in Amritsar district. The influence of Bhindran Taksal is attested      by the fact that its alumni include the head granthi ("reader" of      die Sikh scriptures) at the Golden Temple, jathedars ("commanders")      of various Sikh takhats ("thrones") and granthis of major gurdwaras      of historical significance. In the recent past an incumbent of the Majha branch      of this school was Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale (1947-84), who achieved      world-wide attention when he died along with many other Sikhs during the Indian      army's assault on the Golden Temple complex in June 1984. Among North American      Sikhs his death is perceived as an example of martyrdom and his picture is      displayed in many gurdwaras.

    The procedure for the amrit-ceremony adopted by [he Damdami Taksal includes      certain distinctive features from the manual called Gurmat Rahit Maryada.^      First, each of the five officiants holds an unsheathed sword (kirpan) on his      left shoulder with his left hand (in such a way that the handle of the sword      touches the iron bowl), while he is stirring the sweetened water with a double-edged      sword (khanda) in his right hand. The divine presence is made manifest in      the amrit-ceremony through the burnished steel of the unsheathed sword. When      an officiant completes the recitation of the assigned prayer from memory he      passes on both the kirpan and the khanda to the next one. Second, the Taksal      maintains that during the "heroic posture" (bir asan) the left knee      should be laid on the ground and the right knee should be held upright. This      is the reverse of the description given in the standard manual, the Sikh Rahit      Maryada, wherein the right knee is laid on the ground and the left is held      upright.

    Third, the Damdami Taksal insists on the recitation of the complete Mul Man      tar (from ikh oankar to nanak hosi bhi such) during the amrit-ceremony. This      is in line with the stand taken by the followers of the Gurmat Sidhant Parcharak      Sant Samaj and Nihangs who stress the recitation of the complete Mul Mantar.      They argue that this tradition has come directly from the time of the Gurus,      and there is reliable evidence to support this contention. For instance, the      Kamar Kassa or body armor of Guru Gobind Singh, preserved at Moti Bagh Palace      Museum in Patiala, does contain the inscription of complete Mul Man tar,J1      In order to buttress its claim to orthodoxy, the Taksal has issued its own      version of the Khalsa discipline which it outlines in the manual Gurmat Rahit      Maryada. Copies of this text were freely distributed throughout North America      in 1986 and the following years. This was the time when Bhindranwale's influence      was at the peak.

    In 1976 Bhai Jiwan Singh, a staunch member of the Akhand Kirtani jatha, organized      an amril-ceremony in Vancouver in which a Sikh woman, Jasbir Kaur Khalsa,      was included in the Five Beloved Ones (Panj Piare} for the first time. Roy      Hay tor's video film Gurdwara: House of the. Guru3" also shows Gururaj      Kaur Khalsa, a follower of Yogi Bhajan's 3HO movement, among the Five Beloved      Ones, conducting the amrit-ceremony at the Akali Singh Gurdwara in Vancouver.      It is indeed in the Western context that this development has taken place      in the Sikh Panth. There are very few examples in which women perform that      role in the Punjab or any other part of India, although the Sikh Rahit Maryada      allows a woman to be one of the Pan] Piares at the time of amrit-ceremony.      Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale used to say that no woman responded to Guru      Gobind Singh's call for loyalty on Baisakhi day 1699 and this fact is used      by the Damdami Taksal to refuse the admission of women to the institution      of the Five Beloved Ones,

​   The Akhand Kirtani Jatha owes its inspiration to the words and example of      Bhai Randhir Singh (1878-1961) of Narangwal (in Ludhiana district). He was      strongly opposed to the British presence in India and spent lengthy periods      in jail because of his involvement in the Gurdwara Rikabganj agitation and      the Ghadar movement, both of which occurred between 1914 and 1916. In the      "Second Lahore Conspiracy" case, he was sentenced to life in prison      on 30 March 1916.37 His life is described in his Jel Chitthion ("Letters      written from the Jail"), translated as Autobiography of Bhai Randhir      Singh.38 It inspired many educated Sikhs from both urban and rural areas of      the Malwa region. Bhai Randhir Singh was released from the Central Jail Lahore      in October 1930, and in the following year he was "honoured for his outstanding      services to the Panth" at the Akal Takhat on 15 September 1931.39' Although      he was a contemporary of Bhai Vir Singh (1872-1957), he is almost completely      unknown to the English-speaking world. This may be due to the hegemonic success      of the Singh Sabha scholars, who are abundantly known to those who read only      English sources. Other representatives and their versions of Sikhism, remain      largely hidden.

   It is important to note that Bhai Randhir Singh had a long association with      Babu Teja Singh of Bhasaur. In fact, he received amrit at a religious ceremony      organized by the Panch Khalsa Diwan at Bakapur on 14 June 1903.40 Although      he parted company with him when Teja Singh was excommunicated from the Panth,      the influence of Bhasaur Singh Sabha can still be seen on the Akhand Kirtani      Jatha. For instance, like the Bhasaur Singh Sabha, the Jatha is strongly opposed      to the recitation of the Ragamala at the Golden Temple. Its present leader      Ram Singh even attempted to prepare a copy of the Guru Grandi Sahib without      this controversial text in the recent past.41 Further, the Jatha encourages      complete equality of women in every aspect of Sikh life in much the same way      as the Bhasaur Singh Sabha did in the late nineteenth and early twentieth      centuries. The latter advocated that "[women should wear turban[s), be      baptized with the double-edged knife, and participate fully in ceremonies,      including reading the Granth and helping administer baptism."" Furthermore,      the Akhand Kirtani jatha follows the literalist approach of the Bhasur Singh      Sabha towards the Sikh scriptures." That is perhaps why its members are      generally thought of as fundamentalists."

    One can also observe certain distinctive features of the amrit-ceremony conducted      by the Akhand Kirtani Jatha. During their amrit-ceremony the Five Beloved      Ones lay their hands on the head of an initiate in a particular way to transfer      the spiritual power of the divine Name, They call this procedure gurmantur      drirauna, which involves an "intense recitation of Gur-Mantar" (Vahiguru)      by the Panj Piares and novice together. This distinctive practice of nam simaran      is a regular feature of the daily discipline of the Jatha. Further, die Akhand      Kirtani Jatha strictly follows its own special Khalsa discipline prescribed      in the Rahif Bibeh (a work that forms the second part of the Gurmat Bibefe4*).      It includes a complete vegetarian diet, the insistence upon sarab loh ("all      iron") and the keski or small turban for female members. Although Bhai      Randhir Singh refused to eat any thing which had not been cooked in an iron      vessel, his North American followers are not keen on this strict observance.

    The Akhand Kirtani Jatha claims that Bhai Randhir Singh had withdrawn himself      from the proceedings of the Rahu Rit Committee in the 1930s on the issue of      meat eating. By citing this example the members of the Jatha claim that they      had never accepted the Sikh Rahil Maryada as a standard manual of Sikh doctrine      and behavior. For them the words and example of Bhai Randhir Singh are sufficient      for all their needs. True to their name they place great emphasis on the practice      of kirtan ("devotional singing" of the scriptures) and devote the      whole night to a rain sabai performance of it. There is no place in their      services for any katha or exposition of the scriptures. The members of the      Jatha never use sub-caste names (gote) and they almost invariably marry within      their own group.

    The Akhand Kirtani jatha is strongly opposed to the Damdami Taksal on the      issue of the Ragamala. However, its members joined hands with the Taksal in      mounting the protest against the Sant Nirankaris in Amritsar on Baisakhi Day      1978 (the occasion that thrust Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale before the      public gaze) and eleven out of the thirteen Sikhs who were killed belonged      to the Akhand Kirtani jatha. It is important to note that Baba Gurbachan Singh,      the leader of the Sant Nirankaris, was assassinated on 24 April 1980. Later,      Bhai Ranjit Singh another member of the Akhand Kirtani Jatha, who was appointed      the Jathedar of the Akal Takhat (while he was in Delhi's Tihar Jail), was      convicted of Nirankari Baba's murder on 26 March 1993.46      Also, the Babbar Khalsa, a militant wing of the Akhand Kirtani Jatha, played      an important part in the recent Punjab disturbances. The Jatha has now realized      that things have gone too far, and is trying to distance itself from the agitation.      Many of its members hold important positions in government service in India      and a significant number of them have settled in North America.

    111
    All Sikhs initiated into the order of the Khalsa ("pure") must observe      the Rahit (code of conduct) as enunciated by Guru Gobind Singh and subsequently      elaborated. They must take the surname Singh ("lion") in the case      of men and Kaur ("princess") in the case of women. In most cases      in North America, however, it has become a convention to use one's gote (clan,      or exogamous group within the zaa.t, or caste) as a last name, reserving Singh      and Kaur as middle names.

    The most significant part of the Rahit is the enjoinder to wear five items      of external identity known from their Punjabi names as the five Ks. These      are unshorn hair (fees), a wooden comb (kanga), a miniature sword (kirpan,      literally this word is the combination of "kirpa" and "an",      meaning, "grace" and "self-respect"), a steel "wrist-ring"      (kara), and a pair of short breeches (kachh). In Sikh self-understanding the      five Ks are outer symbols of the divine word, implying a direct correlation      between bani ("inspired utterance") and bana ("Khalsa dress").      Putting on the five Ks along with the turban (in the case of male Sikhs) while      reciting prayers symbolizes that the Khalsa Sikhs are dressed in the word      of God. Their minds are thus purified and inspired, and their bodies girded      to do battle with the day's temptations. They are prohibited from four gross      sins: cutting the hair, using tobacco, committing adultery, and eating meat      that has not come from an animal killed with a single blow (jhataka).

    It should, however, be emphasized here that the current scholarship has questioned      the assertion made by orthodox Sikhs that the convention of the five Ks originated      with Guru Gobind Singh's own declaration at the Baisakhi of 1699. For instance,      W.H. McLeod argues that "at the end of the [eighteenth] century the convention      was still emergent rather than clearly defined."47 In support of his      thesis he gives two arguments. First, there is no clear eighteenth-century      rahit-nama testimony. Second, no one drew the attention of the early Europeans      to the actual convention as such. Does this mean that those five items (now      known as five Ks) were not the part of Khalsa discipline in the eighteenth      century? This is certainly not the case. We need to examine this issue in      its proper historical perspective.

    It is worth noting that the Sikh scholars frequently cite a hukam-nama      ("commandment") which Guru Gobind Singh addressed to his followers      in Kabul.48 This was dated sambat 1756 (1699 CE), the very year of the founding      of the Khalsa, and in it he refers to the necessity of bearing the five items,      now referred to as the five Ks. Its authenticity is, however, questioned on      the following two grounds. First, it lacks the Guru's seal and second, it      is in "direct contradiction to other early sources which make it perfectly      clear that the five Ks were not among the Guru's instructions."49 That      is perhaps why this particular hukam-nama is not to be found in Ganda Singh's      collection, 'Hukum-name'.50 From his authentic hukam-namas it is quite evident      that Guru Gobind Singh gave the injunction to the Khalsa to wear five weapons:      "Appear before the Guru with five weapons on your person" (hathiar      panje bann he darsan avana).51 In this context, J.S. Grewal has pointed out      that in the near-contemporary sources "there are more frequent references      to 'five weapons' than to five K's."52 In the eighteenth-century rahit-nama      attributed to Chaupa Singh the five Ks are not mentioned as such, although      there are numerous references to the uncut hair and the sword. Certain references      to other items are found only in the scattered form.33 A later version of      the Chaupa Singh rahit-nama does mention the five items which loyal Sikhs      must embrace and three of these-kachh, kirpan, kes-figure in the five Ks.      However, the other two items are bani (the sacred words of the scripture)      and sadh sangat (the congregation of the faithful).54 Another eighteenth-century      text, the Sarab Loh Granth, which awaits serious scholarly analysis, refers      to kachh, kes and kirpan as three important "signs" (mudaras) of      the amrit-dhari Sikh.55

Almost all early Europeans are unanimous that following an initiation      ceremony the Sikhs refrained from cutting their hair, wore an iron "wrist-ring",      and strictly avoided the use of tobacco. For instance, Forster writes: "They      permit the growth of hair of the head and beard, they generally wear an Iron      Bracelet on the left hand and the use of Tobacco is proscribed among them."56      Polier noticed "a pair of blue drawers" as part of the few garments      typically worn by the Sikhs whom he observed.57 Francklin's following remark      may draw our attention to      the use of comb: "[After performing the requisite duties of their religion      by ablution and prayer, they comb their hair and beards with peculiar care."58      In the context of the present discussion on the five Ks, one can assume that      the sword (kirpan) must have been part of the weaponry worn by the Khalsa      Sikhs of the eighteenth century, and the comb (kangha) would be concealed      in their conspicuous turbans. Thus the five items, now known as five Ks, were      already there in the eighteenth century, though they were not defined as such.

    It is, however, important to note that the gur-bilas ("splendour of the      Guru") literature such as Sainapati's Gur Sobha (1711), Sukha Singh's      Gur Bilas Dasvin Patshahi (1798) and Rattan Singh Bhangu's Prachin Panth Prakash      (1841) are completely silent on the convention of five Ks. True to their style      these authors present the militant ideal of the Khalsa. Koer Singh's Gurbilas      Patshahi 10 (early nineteenth century), for instance, mentions the following      five items: "One should always love the company of weapons, the Guru's      word (gur sabad), kachh (underwear) and kes (hair). The wearing of sword (karad)      make the total five, and one should never abandon them from the daily discipline"      (Dohara: shastr mel gur sabad so, kachh kesan sad prem. karad rakhani panch      ey tajai na kab hi nem59.). Thus it is not surprising that John Malcolm refers      to a tradition of five weapons in his Sketch of the Sikhs (1812). He mentions      that at the time of the Khalsa initiation "five weapons"-a sword,      a firelock, a bow and arrow, and a pike-were presented to the initiate.60      At the time of the annexation of the Punjab in 1849, however, the British      put a legal ban on carrying weapons.  In the light of      this situation Baba Ram Singh had to ask his followers to carry a simple staff.61      One can assume that in order to meet this new situation the organizers      of the Singh Sabha movement replaced the tradition of "five weapons"      with that of "five religious symbols", known as Five Ks.

    It is not surprising that Macauliffe, who faithfully follows the Singh Sabha      interpretation, wrote in 1881 that

    All orthodox Sikhs must have five appurtenances whose names begin with the      letter K. They are spoken of by the Sikhs as five K"s, and are -the Kes      or long hair, the Kirpan, a small knife with an iron handle round which the      Kes, thus rolled, is fastened on the head, the Kachh or drawers, and the Kara,      an iron bangle for the wrist.62

   Here, the "Kirpan" no longer remains a "weapon" worn      diagonally across the right shoulder in a sash-like gatara (or "belt").      Rather it is worn as a matter of religious conviction along with the long      hair (kes) and concealed under the turban. Macauliffe's understanding of the      ceremonial sword (kirpan) thus reflects the contemporary Sikh response to      the British policy of banning the weapons. Similarly, at the close of the      nineteenth century Captain R.W. Falcon explicitly mentions the tradition of      five Ks in his handbook for the use of regimental officers.63 The British      reinforced the legitimacy of the five Ks through its recruitment policy. In      this context, N.G. Barrier writes: "Only Sikhs with the 5 Ks could join      the army and part of their initiation was baptism and a pledge to maintain      'orthodox' practices."64 Thus the five items which were already there      as a part of the Khalsa discipline, acquired new significance because of Singh      Sabha's new definition of orthodoxy.

    In North America Sikhs face new issues and challenges with respect to the      wearing of the five Ks. In particular, Sikhs have had problems wearing the      kirpan, which is perceived to be a weapon by many Canadians and Americans.      For instance, in December 1584 a Provincial Judge Lawrie Mitchel ruled that      the "daggers" would not be allowed in the courtroom during the assault      trial of five Sikhs in a Winnipeg court. He argued that he was not disputing      the importance of the sheathed daggers, or kirpans, to the Sikh religion,      but said that in Canadian law it constitutes an offensive weapon.65 Although      the Sikh community appealed, his decision was upheld by the chief justice      of the Court of Appeals of Manitoba. In contrast to this case, however, Sikhs      wore kirpans into a courtroom during civil proceedings in Calgary, Alberta.      The security officials at Calgary's Court of Queen's Bench felt "there      was no reason for any concern."66 Obviously they were well aware of the      religious significance of the kirpan to the Sikhs of Alberta.
    In 1986 Suneet Singh Tuli, a student at Paul Kane High School in St. Albert,      was suspended from school because he refused to stop wearing his ten-inch      ceremonial sword (kirpan) to class. Following its no-weapons policy, the St.      Albert Protestant Separate School Board claimed dial the kirpan could be used      as a weapon to inflict serious injury. Tuli lodged a complaint with the Alberta      Human Rights Commission and filed a law-suit in the court against the decision      of the school board. The Court of Queen's Bench Justice A.H. Wachowich granted      Suneet Singh Tuli a temporary order restraining the Separate School Board      (District No. 6) from taking action against the Grade 12 student until the      issue is settled in a pending law suit. By allowing him to wear the sword,      the Judge said: "Students will be given an opportunity to understand      the tradition and heritage of the Sikh religion. In my view it's a positive      educational tool that would far outweigh the potential danger, so long as      it's recognized as a privilege and not a right."67 The Judge granted      the injunction on condition that "the kirpan is tied down and can't be      removed from its sheath, and tip blunted." Tuli thus wore his kirpan      until he graduated from the school. Eventually the Alberta Human Rights Commission      ruled that a ban on the kirpans violated the religious practices of the Sikhs.

    In May 1988 Sukhdev Singh Hundal was suspended from Brampton's Central Secondary      school because he insisted on wearing his 24-centimetre ceremonial dagger      to class. The suspension was ratified by w Ontario's Peel Board of Education      on the grounds of its no-weapons policy. When Hundal tried to obtain a court      order against the decision of the school board, he was barred from a Peel      District courtroom because the judge was reluctant to allow him to wear his      kirpan there. Judge John Goodearle ruled that he would not permit the wearing      of the dagger in motions court "until I examine the authorities on its      appropriateness."68 The court asked the Supreme Court of Ontario to decide      whether a board of education may prevent a Sikh teenager from wearing a kirpan      to school. But in other cases schools in the Etobicoke and North York boards      quietly allowed the wearing of the kirpan as long as it was not misused.

    o Meanwhile, the Sikhs changed their strategy and took the kirpan case to      the Human Rights Commission of Ontario. The Peel Board of Education approached      the Ontario Supreme Court to quash a human rights probe into the banning of      Sikh kirpans in schools. A three-judge panel of the Ontario Supreme Court,      however, rejected the board's view that education is not a public "service"      covered under the Human Rights Code. The Supreme Court panel sided with the      Ontario Human Rights Commission and the citizenship and culture ministry,      which argued anti-discrimination laws must be applied in a "broad, expansive      and liberal manner."69 Thus Human Rights adjudicator W. Gunther Plaut      heard the arguments of both sides in a public inquiry. After reviewing the      evidence he ruled that a ban on kirpans violated Ontario's human rights legislation.      He further ruled that the Peel Board of Education must allow Sikh students      and teachers to wear the kirpan, provided it is not more than 17.7 centimetres      (or seven inches) long, and is securely fastened inside clothing.70

    In most of these cases, John Spellman, a Professor of Asian studies at the      University of Windsor, served as consultant and expert witness on Sikhism      to the human-rights commissions of Alberta, British Columbia and Ontario.      He argued that the ceremonial swords worn by Sikhs are not weapons but emblems      of dignity and honour. He said: "The kirpan has a symbolic importance      and is not designed or intended to be used as a weapon. You could say the      mace is also a weapon used to strike people, but a mace sits near the Speaker      in the House of Commons as a symbol of power and authority. "7I To the      suggestion of the Peel Board trustees that a Sikh student may only wear to      school a "symbolic representation of a kirpan" (that does not have      a metal blade that could be used as a weapon), Spellman replied: "There      is no possibility of a golden, or a plastic, or a paper kirpan."72 The      Sikh kirpans, he argued emphatically, must be made only of iron or steel and      cannot be changed in any way. In an earlier testimony, he made the following      observation in 1987:

    The turban and the sword are at least equal to the crucifix for Christians....      The kirpan worn by Sikhs is a sacred symbol and is no more to be used to attack      someone than crucifix... There are practically no cases on record of any Sikh      ever having been convicted in Canada of using his kirpan as a weapon.73

    Spellman certainly did advocacy of the Sikh community for a number of years.      But eventually some of his statements became questionable in the light of      the fact that the kirpan was indeed misused as a weapon in a few disputes      in Canada. For instance, on 26 February 1992 Jatinder Singh, a Granthi at      Old Western Road Gurdwara in Toronto, was convicted of misusing his kirpan      in a scuffle at the gurdwara.74 Once again, the issue of whether the kirpan      worn by Sikhs is a religious symbol or a weapon became alive.

   In a similar case in the United States, three kirpan-wearing Sikh children      (Rajinder Singh Cheema, 10, Sukhjinder Kaur Cheema, 8 and Jaspreet Singh Cheema,      7) were excluded from school in the middle of January 1994 in Livingston school      district in Fresno, California. Injune 1994 a federal court Judge Gerald E»      Burrel, Jr. turned down a request by those children that they be allowed to      attend school wearing their kirpans while their lawsuit was being resolved.      The children and the American Civil Liberties Union had sought a preliminary      injunction against the Livingstone School District. The judge ruled that the      school district "has a compelling interest in preserving a learning environment      at its school which facilitate the healthy well-rounded growth of young people.      It also has a compelling interest in protecting the health and welfare of      children, while in that environment, from the disruption and harm that kirpans      in the hands of young children at school present."73 The U.S. Court of      Appeals in San Francisco, however, ruled in early September 1994 in favour      of Sikh children, overruling a lower court decision backing the school district.      The appellant court said the Livingston School District did not try to compromise      with children, who said they were willing to wear shorter, blunt kirpans sewn      securely into a sheath. Thus the children have returned to school with their      kirpans. It should, however, be emphasized here that three California districts-Yuba      City, Live Oak and Selma-have already granted exemptions to their no-weapons      policies for kirpans.76 This was indeed due to the political influence of      the Sikh community in that area.

    Once again, the Sikh community adopted a new strategy and approached the members      of the California State Assembly to introduce a bill that would exempt Sikh      students from the California penal code provision which bars carrying of weapons      in public and private educational institutions. Senate President Pro Tern      Bill Lockyer, D-Hayward, introduced the bill, which included a variety of      safeguards such as requirement that if a child brandished a kirpan it would      be taken away. The State Assembly indeed passed this landmark legislation      on 44-to-22 vote on 24 August 1994 allowing Sikh children to wear 3.3-inch      curved kirpans symbolizing their religious convictions on school grounds.77      Although the Senate also approved the bill in the final vote, it was vetoed      by the State Governor Pete Wilson on 30 September 1994. The Republican governor      stated: "I am unwilling to authorize the carrying of knives on school      grounds and abandon public safety to the resourcefulness of a thousand districts."      He acknowledged that the kirpans are religious symbols, but he insisted that      they still meet the definition of a knife in the state's penal code and therefore      must be banned.78 The governor, however, made it quite explicit that he would      be willing to sign a bill allowing kirpans at school if they were made incapable      of use as a weapon. Although Sikhs were deprived of a major victory by the      governor's decision, they certainly won sympathetic voices to their cause.      For instance, Les Adler wrote on the editorial page of a major newspaper that      "denying Sikhs' traditions cannot be justified."79 Here the noteworthy      point is that the Sikh community has to fight the kirpan-case again and again      from different platforms.

    Let me address here the issue of the transmission of Khalsa traditions. The      significance and need for full commitment to the Khalsa discipline has received      new recognition by the North American Sikhs (especially by young adults) after      the army action at the Golden Temple of Amritsar in 1984. This new trend is      quite evident from frequent arrangements made by the gurdwara committees for      the amrit ceremony, which was once, a rare occurrence. As a result of these      efforts approximately ten to fifteen per cent of the Sikhs strictly follow      the Khalsa discipline. This is based on my recent survey of major gurdwaras      in North America. Many Sikhs who had abandoned their turbans and beards because      of discrimination by prospective employers, returned to their traditional      ways. The recent years have also witnessed among the Sikhs of North America      a revived interest for their inherited tradition and identity. This awakened      consciousness has produced a flurry of activities in children's education.      Sikh parents realize that worship in gurdwaras is conducted in Punjabi, which      scarcely responds to the needs of children born in North America. At school      these children are being trained to be critical and rational, and they are      therefore questioning the meaning of traditional rituals and practices. Traditionally-trained      granthis ("readers" of the Sikh scriptures) and gyanis (traditional      Sikh scholars) are unable to answer their queries. Moreover, without an adequate      knowledge of Punjabi, the language of the Guru Granth Sahib, the new generation      of Sikhs is in danger of being theologically illiterate.

    Furthermore, a steady process of assimilation is in progress amongst second-      and third-generation Sikhs. Western culture has added new challenges and obstructions      to the Khalsa tradition. This situation has created new responses from the      Sikh community. Many Sikh parents have started home-based worship in both      Punjabi and English in order to meet new challenges from the diaspora situation.      They have introduced another innovative feature in the form of Sikh Youth      Camps to pass on the Khalsa traditions to the children. These camps last one      or two weeks. Through them a spiritual environment is created which provides      the children with continuous exposure to Sikh values and traditions.

IV
    Ideally, the Khalsa Brotherhood provides the most fascinating example of a      homogeneous religious community. The real situation is, however, quite different.      The argument of this paper has revealed that there is a considerable internal      differentiation within the Khalsa tradition. The empirical evidence has shown      that different groups within the Panth follow their own Rahit Maryada at the      time of conducting the ceremony of Khalsa initiation. Nevertheless, each group      claims to follow the "correct" procedure laid down by Guru Gobind      Singh at the Baisakhi of 1699 and transmitted orally through successive generations.      One may argue that the differences in the actual amrit ceremony are peripheral      and that the central ceremony remains intact. This would indeed be too simplistic      a view of the actual situation. A more realistic view would acknowledge the      colourful diversity of the Khalsa tradition and encourage an accommodative      approach (rather than that of confrontation) to the Rahit Maryada debate

    The present debate over the Rahit observance is certainly not a new phenomenon.      It has always been there and it will continue to be so in the future. The      controversy on liturgical prayers may be better appreciated if we try to understand      the logic behind two different approaches (that is, non-dualistic and dualistic)      towards the inspired words of the Sikh scriptures. On the surface this debate      certainly reflects conflict and confusion between different groups within      the Panth. At a deeper level, however, it reflects a creative tension within      the Sikh community. Paradoxically, it may result in greater long-term community      solidarity and understanding, because it forcefully draws people's attention      to the Khalsa ideal. Moreover, each generation has to define "what it      means to be a Sikh" and to address the larger issues of orthodoxy and      orthopraxy. The Diaspora Sikhs have to respond to these issues from the perspective      of their own particular situation. They have to face new challenges, which      require new responses.

NOTES
_1__ Traditionally, it is maintained that Guru Gobind Singh founded      a dis-tinguished school of exegesis at Sabo Ki Talwandi (more recently known      as Damdama Sahib) in 1706. Among those who received instruction was one Deep      Singh. After the death of the Guru in 1708, Deep Singh established the Damdami      Taksal. For more details, see Harjot Oberoi, "Sikh Fundamentalism: Translating      History into Theory," in Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby, eds.,      Fundamentalisms and the State, Vol. 3 (Chicago: The University of Chicago      Press, 1993), pp. 266-270.
    2 P. P.S.Gill, "Genesis and Shape of 'Rehat Maryada'debate", The      Tribune (13 August, 1993).
    3 See Professor Darshan Singh's article in the Indo-Canadian Times (July 22-28,1993):      33. The article contains the photocopies of the decisions oftheSGPC.
    4 Kharara Sikh Rahit Maryada (Gurmat Sidhant Parcharak Sant Samaj, 1994).
    5 Ibid., pp. 2-3. This document uses the language and style of the standard      manual Sikh Rahit Maryada with certain obvious differences that reflect the      contemporary debate over Sikh liturgical prayers and other issues.
    Most interestingly, it mentions a Persian stanza concerning the five Ks attributed      to Guru Gobind Singh (Sri Mukhavak Patashahi 10, Phokat Kabbitt, Sri Dasam      Granth). See p. 23:
    nishane sikhi iin panj harafkaf. hargiz na bashad azin panj muaf. 1.
    kara harado kacch kanghe bidan. bila kes hech asat zumale nishan. 2. This      stanza is, however, not to be found in the authentic version of the Dasam      Granth.
    6 Harjot Oberoi, The Construction of Religious Boundaries: Culture, Identity      and Diversity in the Sikh Tradition (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1994),      p. 25.
    7 Ml, Ramakali Siddh Costi, (20), AG, p. 940.
    8 Mircea Eliade, Birth and Rebirth: The Religious Meaning of Initiation in      Human Culture (1958), p. xiv.
    9 Ibid., pp. xii-xiii.
    10 W.H. McLeod, The Chaupa Singh Rahitnama (Dunedin: University of Otago Press,      1987), pp. 16-19.
    11 Ibid., 90, 178-9, 182-3. The numerals refer to the specific verses in the      Gurmukhi text of the Rahit-nama.
    12 Sant Teja Singh, Jivan Kahani Raj Jogi Sant Attar Singh Ji Maharaj de varosae      sevak Sant Teja Singh Ji di, Vol. II (Kalgidhar Trust, 1992), pp. 61,70-74,      91.
    13 N. Gerald Barrier, "Sikh Emigrants and their Homeland", in N.Gerald      Barrier and Verne A. Dusenbery, eds., The Sikh Diaspora (Delhi: Chanakya Publication,      1989), p. 72.
    14 Kapur Singh, Sikhism For Modern Man, edited by Madanjit Kaur and Piar Singh      (Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev university, 1992), pp. 158-174.
    15 Ibid., p. 162.
    16 For English translation of the text, see W.H. McLeod, trans. and ed., Textual      Sources for the Study of Sikhism (Manchester: Manchester University Press,      1984), pp. 99-100.
    17 Harbhajan Singh Khalsa, Furman Khalsa: Poems To Live By (Columbus, Ohio:      Furman Khalsa Publishing Co., 1987), p. 235.
    18 Dasam Granth, pp. 1386-88.
    19 For a useful introduction, see C.H. Loehlin, The Granth of Guru Gobind      Singh and the Khalsa Brotherhood (Lucknow: Lucknow Publishing House, 1971),      pp. 48-51.
    20 For details on 'Arril' metre, see Harbans Singh, ed., The Encyclopaedia      of Sikhism (Patiala: Punjabi University, 1992), p. 526. 'Arril' is a popular      metre of the Dasam Granth poetry. It is of 21 syllabic instants having pause      at 11, lO with ragan (SIS) at the end of each quarter and use of 'Ho' syllabic      instant at the beginning of the fourth quarter, which is always in addition      to the actual count. It is of Apbhrans origin and is an early form of Chaupai.

    21 See Nikky-Guninder Kaur Singh, The Feminine Principle in the Sikh Vision      of the Transcendent (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1993), chap. 2.      For a critique of this work, see Doris Jakobsh's article in this volume, chap.      3.
    22 H. S. Khalsa, Furman Khalsa, p. 235.
    23 See my "The Text and Meaning of the Adi Granth" (unpub. Ph. D.      thesis, University of Toronto, 1991), p. 98.
    24 For an insightful analysis of two different approaches towards the words      of the Sikh scriptures, see Verne A. Dusenbery, "The Word as Guru: Sikh      Scripture and the Translation Controversy," History of Religion, 31:4      (May 1992), pp. 385-402. The "non dualistic" ideology of language      "recognizes the material as well as cognitive properties of language      (especially articulated speech) and refuses to privilege semantic-referential      meaning at the expense of other properties that language is thought to possess"      (pp. 388-89).
    25 Ibid., p. 389:
    26 For details on the Nihangs, see McLeod, Textual Sources, p. 132.
    27 Ibid.
    28 For a useful study on the visits of various Sikh Sants overseas, see Darshan      Singh Tatla, "Nurturing the Faithful: The Role of the Sant among Britain's      Sikhs," Religion, 22 (1992): 349-374.
    29 For more details, see H.S. Doabia, Life Story of Baba Nand Singh Ji of      Kaleran (Amritsar: Singh Brothers, 1981); several volumes of hagiographic      accounts in Gurmukh Singh, Anand Chamatkar (Nanaksar, n.d.) and the various      issues of Anand Sarovar (Nanaksar: Anand Sarovar Trust, n.d.) by Bhagat Singh.
    30 For traditional accounts of his life, see Gurmukh Singh, Ishar Chamatkar      (Nanaksar, n.d.).
    31 Balbir Singh, Paragat Guran Ki Deh: Part 1 (1978), pp. iii-iv.
    32 See Tatla, "Nurturing the Faithful," 360-63 and Eleanor Nesbitt,      "The Nanaksar Movement," Religion, 15:1 (1985): 67-79.
    33 For details, see Giani Gurbachan Singh Khalsa, Gurbani Path Darshan (Bhindran      Kalan: Gurdwara Akhand Prakash, 5th edn., 1985).
    34 Giani Gurbachan Singh Khalsa, Gurmati Rahit Maryada (Amritsar: Khalsa Brothers,      1986), pp. 90-146.
    35 See Patwant Singh, Gurdwaras: In India and Around the World (Himalayan      Books, 1992), p. 108.
    36 Roy Hayter, Director, Gurdwara: House of the Guru (Vancouver: Temple Films      Ltd., 1992).
    37 Harbans Singh, Heritage of the Sikhs (Columbia, MO: South Asia Books, 1983),      pp. 261-65. Also see the monthly journal of the Akhand Kirtani Jatha, Sura      (July 1990), p. 41.
    38 Trilochan Singh, trans., Autobiography of Bhai Randhir Singh (Ludhiana:      Bhai Randhir Singh Publishing House, 1971).
    39 Harbans Singh, ed., The Encyclopaedia ofSikhism, p. 59.
    40 See Sura (July 1990), p. 41.
    41 In 1990 the Akhand Kirtani Jatha made an appeal to stop the recitation      of the Ragamala at the Akal Takhat (introduced by the Damdami Taksal). Meanwhile,      Ram Singh prepared a copy of the Sikh scripture without the controversial      text of the Ragamala. The coverage of this controversy in the Punjabi language      press created a major stir within the Sikh Panth.
    42 N.G. Barrier, "Vernacular Publishing and Sikh Life in the Punjab,      1880-1910," in Kenneth W.Jones, ed., Religious Controversy in British      India: Dialogue in South Asian Languages (Albany: State University of New      York Press, 1992), p. 219.
    43 Ibid., pp. 217-18.
    44 For details, see W.H. McLeod, "The Meaning of Sikh Fundamentalism      and its Origins", a paper presented in Chicago, pp. 12-14.
    45 Bhai Randhir Singh, Gurmat Bibek (Ludhiana: Bhai Randhir Singh Publishing      House, 2nd edn., 1975; Istedn., 1946), pp. 95-260.
    46 "Nirankari Baba's murder: Ex-chief of Akal Takhat Convicted,"      The Hindustan Times (March 27, 1993).
    47 W.H. McLeod, Who is a Sikh?: The Problem of Sikh Identity (Oxford: Clarendon      Press, 1989), p. 58. Also see his The Sikhs: History, Religion, and Society      (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), p. 45.
    48 For the text of the hukam-nama, see Gobind Singh Mansukhani, "Sikh-Rahat-Maryada      and Sikh Symbols," in Jasbir Singh Mann and Harbans Singh Saraon, eds.,      Advanced Studies in Sikhism (Irvine, CA: Sikh Community of North America,      through Institute of Sikh Studies, Chandigarh, 1989), p. 176.
    49 W.H. McLeod, "Cries of Outrage: History versus Tradition in the Study      of the Sikh Community," South Asia Research, Vol. 14, No. 2 (Autumn 1994),      p. 129.
    50 Ganda Singh, ed., Hukam-name (Patiala: Punajbi University, 1967).
    51 Ibid., pp. 179, 194.
    52 J.S. Grewal, From Guru Nanak to Maharaja Ranjit Singh: Essays in Sikh History      (Amritsar: Guru Nanak University, 1972), p. 60.
    53 The Chaupa Singh Rahit-nama, p. 15, 33-4, 40, 150, and 173.
    54 Ibid., p. 150.
    55 Cited in Piara Singh Padam, Rahitname (Amritsar, 4th edn., 1989; 1st edn.,      1974), p. 33.
    56 Ganda Singh, ed., Early European Accounts oj the Sikhs (Calcutta: Indian      Studies Past and Present, 1962), p. 79. Also see pp. 18,63,65, 79,92, and      103-4.
    57 Ibid., p. 63.
    58 Ibid., p. 103.
    59 Shamsher Singh, ed., Gurbilas Patshahi 10: Krit Koer Singh (Patiala:

    Punjabi University, 2nd edn., 1986; 1st edn., 1968), p. 130.
    60 Lt. Col. Malcolm, Sketch of the Sikhs: Their Origin, Customs &>      Manners,
    with notes by Subash C. Aggarwal (Chandigarh: Vinay Publications,
    reprint, 1981; Original London, 1812), pp. 146-7. <
    61 J.S. Grewal, The New Cambridge History of India 11.3: The Sikhs of the      Punjab (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 142.
    62 Max Macauliffe, "The Sikh Religion Under Banda, and its Present Condition",      The Calcutta Review, Vol. 66 (1881), p. 162.
    63 Captain R.W. Falcon, Handbook on Sikhs: For the Use of Regimental Officers      (Allahabad. Pioneer Press, 1896), p. 9.
    64 N. Gerald Barrier, "Thje Singh Sabhas and the Evolution of Modem Sikhism,      1875-1925," in Robert D. Baird, ed., Religion in Modern India (New Delhi:      Manohar Publication, 2nd edn., 1989), p. 204.
    65 Calgary Herald (December 19, 1984), p. C6.
    66 Carol Howes, "Sikhs vow support to dagger appeal," Calgary Herald      (January 4,1985), p. B4.
    67 World Sikh News (November 28, 1986), p. 11.
    68 "Sikhbarredfromcourtwhilewearingdagger," The Globe andMail (May      18, 1988), p. A15. For other similar case, see Peter Moon, "Refugee hearing      probed after Sikh ordered to remove dagger," Globe and Mail (August 24,1990),      p. AID and Paul Watson, "Hearing refused for Sikh with kirpan,"      The Toronto Star (August 23,1990), p. Al.
    69 Nomi Morris, "Judges reject move to stop kirpan probe," The Toronto      Star (March 6,1990), p. A13.
    70 For arguments of both sides, see various reports of Paula Todd, The Toronto      Star (March 28, April 19 and 20, 1990), pp. A2, A10 and A9 respectively. For      details of the decision, see Globe and Mail (July 9, 1990), p. Al 1 and Sutantar      Singh, Kernel of Sikhism: An Introduction to Sikhs ondSiWiism (Ottawa: Sikh      Institute of Canada, 1994), pp. 195-96.
    71 Tony Wong, "Sikh daggers symbols of honour, rights probe told,"      The Toronto Star (February 6, 1990), p. A4.
    72 Ibid.
    73 John W. Spellman, Calgary Herald (September 17, 1987).
    74 In a telephone interview on 19 February 1995 Jatinder Singh told me that      he used his sword in self-defence when he was attacked by three persons (Sarbjit      Singh Sander, his father and his uncle) in a scuffle that followed an argument      at the gurdwara. In the court, however, he pleaded guilty before District      Court Judge Ted Wren to the lesser charge of assaulting Sarbjit Singh Sander      on July 19,1987, after a dispute in the gurdwara. See the news report "Temple      priest admits stabbing his parishioner," The Toronto Star (February 1992).
    75 Viji Sundaram, "Judge Bars Kirpans from School Till Case Resolved,"      India West (June 8-12,1994), p. 1.
    76 Greg Lucas, "Wilson Veto For Knives At School: Children Wear Daggers      As Part Of Sikh Faith," The San Francisco Chronicle (October 1, 1994),      p. A21.
    77 Greg Lucas, "Bill Allows Sikh Daggers On Campus," The San Francisco      Chronicle CAugust 25, 1994), p. A17.
    78 Greg Lucas, "Wilson Veto For Knives At School," The San Francisco      Chronicle (October 1, 1994), p. A21.
    79 Les Adler, "Denying Sikhs' Traditions Cannot Be Justified," The      San Francisco Chronicle (October 12, 1994), p. A21._
 ​


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## spnadmin (Oct 1, 2009)

*Re: Comparing the Khalsa Rehat: Damdami, Nihang, Nanaskar, AKJ and SinghSaba Traditio*

*Rehat of Damdami Taksal*

http://damdamitaksaal.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=80&Itemid=68


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## spnadmin (Oct 1, 2009)

*Re: Comparing the Khalsa Rehat: Damdami, Nihang, Nanaskar, AKJ and SinghSaba Traditio*

*Rehat of Budda Dal Takal
*Taken from Nihang Rehat - The Voice of Sikh Youth

Reference: Adi-Dasam Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji de Patha Dee Sankeph Maryada

which can be located at Welcome to www.NihangSingh.org

1.Do ardaas upon waking up in the mornings and ask for the boon of righteous actions 
2. When adhering to the call of nature excercise hygene and cleanliness, and upon entering a city always procure water for such purposes
3. Cleanse your face with water (upon waking) 
4. Bathe in cold water 
5. When removing your kachera, your head and shoulders should be covered, and one leg should remain in the old pair as you transfer the opposite leg into the new pair 6.When tying your turban you must sit in the lotus posture (asan), your turban and kachera should never touch, and your turban should never be lifted off like a topi but should be properly untied
7. Upon waking in the morning recite Waheguru mantra and Mool Mantra while uniting surat and shabd through breath control
8. In the morning one must recite gurmantra, mool mantra and then recite or listen to the 5 banis, and Kirtan Sohila should be recited before going to sleep
9. When bathing the hair can be washed with yogurt
10. When drying the hair keep a small patka on
11. When drying the hair it must not be laid back, but should be combed to the sides with a blur keski
12. The dead hairs caught in your comb must not be thrown underfoot but should be cremated
13. Kachera should not be slung over the shoulder as it could come into contact with your beard and hair which is prohibited
14. The beard should not be dyed black
15. One should dress in blue
16. Worship the three Granths
17. Always depend on Akal and repeat his mantra
18. The Five Beloveds must give baptism to the Singhs
19. Do not abbreviate Singhs names into nicknames 
20. Consider the five k's as your limbs
21. You must not take off the 5 k's when bathing
22. Always keep 2 combs and never use a broken comb
23. One cannot enter Guru Darbar without bathing instead he can only namaska from outside, nor can one enter with socks on
24. Stay away from the four kurehits
25. Keep on a blue keski at all times
26. Regard the sword as your isht and never be without it
27. Wear a dastaar and never a topi
28. Bathe daily
29. Always recite gurmantra and the 5 Banis 
30. Always share with others, 
31. Give 10% to the guru, 
32. Do satsang and seva, 
33. Do everything in accordance to gurmat 
34. Always obey the hukam of SGGSji 
35. Always speak the truth and attain virtuous qualities such as contentment, 
36. Don't do nindaya 
37. Never cut any hair, 
38. Do not use drugs, 
39. Do not do Halal custom 
40. Never take the honor of a women or adulerate 
41. ? (could not translate) 
42.Do not steal or gamble 
43. Restrain from intoxicants as much as possible
44. Don't go on Hindu pilgramiges or worship idols 
45. Always be armed, 
46. Any action should begin with ardaas to God, and Waheguru mantra is to be repeated with every breath whether, walking, standing, he is to always be thanked 
47. After heeding the call of nature bathe five times 
48. Gurbani should be kept in a ramalla, stored in a high place, 
49. Never fight with Sikhs, always help the poor, 
50. Don't take or use your sister's money 
51. Don't eat with non-amritdharis 
52. Always be truthful 
53. Learn gurumukhi, remember gurbani and teach young people our history 
54. One should not flatulate in the presence of Guru Granth Sahib 
55. Do seva, bhakti,simran remain content and do righteous actions, 
56. Never beg anything from anyone, 
57. Never disgrace the Khalsa army 
58. Always greet Singhs with Wahiguru ji ka Khalsa, Wahiguru ji ki Fateh
59. From birth until death keep gurmat in mind and act accordingly 
60. Come to Budha Dal and register as a full-fledged member
61. Celebrate Holla Mohalla at Anandpur Sahib
62. Celebrate Sahibzadey's Memorial at Chamkaur Sahib 
63. Celebrate Mata Gujri Anniversary at Fatehgarh Sahib 
64. Celebrate fullmoon, Guru Nanak's Birthday pur Lodhi, Kapurthala 
65. Magi, Sri Mukhtsar Sahib 
66. Basant pachmi, Patiala 
67. Do not get piercings


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## spnadmin (Oct 1, 2009)

*Re: Comparing the Khalsa Rehat: Damdami, Nihang, Nanaskar, AKJ and SinghSaba Traditio*

Sikh Rehat Marayada


Sikh Reht Maryada, The Definition of Sikh, Sikh Conduct & Conventions, Sikh Religion Living, India


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## spnadmin (Oct 1, 2009)

*Re: Comparing the Khalsa Rehat: Damdami, Nihang, Nanaskar, AKJ and SinghSaba Traditio*

*Hazoori Sahib Maryada*

If anyone can help locate a primary source or a link to the actual rehat I would appreciate knowing about it. Thanks.

Here is a summary of the Hazoori Sahib Maryada -- but some things are missing from this account. 

The Tribune, Chandigarh, India - Punjab

*Hazur Sahib has unique maryada  *
          Varinder Walia
          Tribune News Service           
Hazur Sahib, October 29


 Maryada (Sikh code) does not allow the Jathedar of Takht Hazur Sahib to leave Nanded till death and he has to be a “brahmchari” throughout life. 


As per two-century-old maryada, the Jathedar, Giani Kulwant Singh, can’t attend the meetings of Akal Takht though he nominates his second in command (vice-Jathedar) to attend the meetings of Sikh high priests at Akal Takht. Though the first ardas in the wee hours is performed at Takht Hazur Sahib for allowing the Sikh community to do a pilgrimage of all historical gurdwaras, including the Golden Temple, as per the maryada of Takht Hazur Sahib, Giani Kulwant Singh can’t pay obeisance there.



Talking to The Tribune, Dalip Singh, a class fellow of Giani Kulwant Singh, said he (Jathedar) had to remain at Nanded as his duty starts at 2 am with the performance of ardas before washing of the sanctum sanctorum with holy water of the Godavari is carried out. After a break of only a couple of hours, the Jathedar has to perform the daily rites in the sanctum sanctorum where even other Sikh high priests are not allowed to enter. 

]Finally, the Jathedar goes back to his official residence in the Takht complex after the evening prayers, which are performed in the most traditional manner. 


]Gagrya Sikh Hardyala Singh, who carries gaggar (a silver utensil) for carrying holy water from the Godavari to Takht Hazur Sahib, too has to be bachelor and can’t leave Nanded till death. A task force of the youth, carrying traditional weapons, escort him barefoot. The tradition of performing aarti besides ardas on the riverbanks after the first pitcher is drawn is a mesmerising experience. Being a separate committee, the maryada of Takht Hazur Sahib is quite different from that of Akal Takht and the SGPC.

Milk and water of the Godavari is sprayed on the gurdwara building from a fire tender on the eve of Diwali. 



The naubat (a traditional musical instrument) is played by non-Sikhs in front of Takht Hazur Sahib every day. The most significant variation among maryada of Takht Hazur Sahib and other three Takhts of Punjab is that the recitation of Guru Granth Sahib and the Dasam Granth go on simultaneously. Unlike at the gurdwaras and Takhts under the control of the SGPC, devotees offer “panjeer parsad”, which can be collected from the counters put up by the Takht management.


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## Randip Singh (Oct 2, 2009)

*Re: Comparing The Khalsa Rehat: Damdami, Nihang, Nanaskar, AKJ and Singh Sabha Tradit*




> The SGPC maintains that this manual is a representative of the "collective personality of the Panth" and dial no single group has any right or authority to challenge it.


 
I find the above comment something for people to think about!


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## Harinder1986 (Nov 17, 2009)

*Re: Comparing The Khalsa Rehat: Damdami, Nihang, Nanaskar, AKJ and Singh Sabha Tradit*

Does anyone have a copy of the Nanaksar Rehat Mayarda?


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## spnadmin (Apr 26, 2010)

*Re: Comparing The Khalsa Rehat: Damdami, Nihang, Nanaskar, AKJ and Singh Sabha Tradit*

Harinder1986 ji

This is the best source I have been able to find but there are other sources of information about the Nanaskar movement. I don't think there is a Nanaksar rehat maryada as such, rather a set of traditions. I am still looking. 

*Nanaksar Movement*

Nanaksar Movement

*Doctrines* A strict  belief in vegetarianism (excluding eggs and fish), celibacy (both gurus  were celibates), austerities, asceticism and meditation (using a  rosary), and a focus on Guru Nanak, all push the Nanaksar devotees into  Sanatan Sikhism (see entry). The gurus of this group also favoured the  Nirmala tradition of asceticism (see entry) known to be the core of  Sanatan Sikhism with the Udasis (see entry). They believed that deep  reverence of the Guru Granth would lead to the darshan (spiritual  vision) of Guru Nanak himself. Thus the Adi Granth is very much the  focus of this movement. They believe that the Sevadhars (those who help  in the temple precincts) must be celibates, and are called bahingams,  literally 'birds' that have no attachment to earthly abodes. This again  stresses their Sanatanist nature. Devotees believe that Guru Nanak was  an incarnation (avatara) of the Divine. [The Hindu doctrine of avatar  has been explicitly rejected by orthodox Tat Khalsa Sikhs, see entry].  They specialise in extended sessions of kirtan (devotional singing of  the praises of the divine) at times of the full moon (purnimasi). Guru  Nanak's birthday is celebrated with special vigour on the nearest full  moon. It is believed that staying awake (meditating and performing  kirtan) all night is more beneficial than staying awake during all the  other nights of the year put together. (See also Sikh Panth entries).


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## spnadmin (Apr 26, 2010)

*Re: Comparing The Khalsa Rehat: Damdami, Nihang, Nanaskar, AKJ and Singh Sabha Tradit*

I have also found this very interesting document from the Gurdwara Nanaksar Sahib in Fresno California.

​ *Introduction: *Sant Baba Nand Singh Jee is the founder  of Nanaksar Institution. He stands out amongst his peers as he unveiled  the hidden glory of Sri Guru Granth Sahib Jee in which he unfolded the  hidden eternal splendors of the                                  founder of Sikhism Sri Guru Nanak Dev Jee. He restored the  highest respect, esteem, faith and loving devotion of Sri                                  Guru Granth Sahib Jee. He caused and effected integration of  thousands of stranded souls with Sri Guru Granth Sahib Jee                                  and thus saved them from drowning in this burning ocean of  universal illusion. The service of Sri Guru Granth Sahib Jee                                  as described by Sant Baba Nand Singh Jee was fully established  by his successor Sant Baba Ishar Singh Jee at                                  Nanaksar Kaleran, near Jagroan, Punjab, India. He undertook this  mission to various cities of India and taught the                                  people about the eternal glory of Sri Guru Granth Sahib Jee  besides administration of Amrit (sacred Nectar as prescribed                                  by 10th Guru, Sri Guru Gobind Singh Jee) on large scale. 





                                                               Sant Baba Ishar Singh Jee carried out the mission for 13 years  and bestowed the responsibilities of continuation of                                  mission to Sant Baba Gurdev Singh Jee who went to village Samadh  Bhai as per instructions of Sant Baba Ishar Singh                                  Jee. Sant Baba Gurdev Singh Jee, who at present is fulfilling  the responsibilities and has been instrumental in                                  taking this mission to abroad as well. Sant Baba Gurdev Singh  Jee has established 17 Nanaksar Gurdwaras both in                                  India (Samadh Bhai, New Delhi, Dehradun, Bagthalla, Pune,  Seerah, Kandila, Bhadaur and Banwala Anu) and abroad                                  (Houston (TX) and Fresno (CA) in USA, Birmingham and Southhall  in UK, Brampton (ON), Winnipeg (MB) and Surrey                                  (BC) in Canada and Nairobi in Kenya) where thousands of devotees  pray and worship Sri Guru Granth Sahib Jee                                  everyday, in the beacon light shown by towering Light House,  Sant Baba Nand Singh Jee.

*Service (Sewa) of Sri Guru Granth Sahib Jee: *                                 The religious ceremonies and services at all Nanaksar Gurdwaras  of Sri Guru Granth Sahib Jee is carried out as per the hukamnama (order)                                   established by 10th Guru, Sri Guru Gobind Singh Jee. The  followers of Sikh Religion are ordered to treat Sri Guru                                  Granth Sahib as not the mere Holy Book but as Living Divinity  (Pargat Guran Ki Deh). Therefore, a special room (Sachkhand)                                  is dedicated to Sri Guru Granth Sahib Jee. This is the only room  that has the Palang (bed) of size 6x4 sq ft is for Sri                                  Guru Granth Sahib Jee. All Sangat (visiting devotees) and Ragiis  (Monks) sleep on thin mattress on the floor. Even                                  Sant Baba Gurdev Singh Jee have his Aasan (bed), a thin mattress  on the floor. The food is not cooked at the                                  Gurdwara but is brought by turn from amongst the devotees  because it is a true belief that if you engage yourself in                                  the selfless devotion of God, God will automatically make sure  by inculcating in the mind of devotees to prepare fresh                                  food and take it to Gurdwara for offering it to Sri Guru Granth  Sahib Jee and for the people engaged in such selfless                                  devotion. As a matter of fact devotees have to request for a  turn and have to wait for a month in some cases to bring                                  food. As mentioned above the food brought by devotees is first  offered to Sri Guru Granth Sahib Jee (as Guru Sahib is                                  treated as Living Divinity) and then distributed amongst the  Ragiis and Sangat. The Parkash (opening) of Sri Guru Granth                                  Sahib Jee is done twice, first in the morning at 3 am and then  in the afternoon at 4 pm. The Sukh Assan (closing) of                                  Sri Guru Granth Sahib Jee is done in the morning after Nitnem  (daily services) and in the evening after Hukamnama.                                 

*Kirtan: *As per the sayings of Guru Jee “Kalyug Mein  Kirtan Pardhana” (Singing of Hymns is Supreme in this Time), Kirtan                                  is prime in Gurdwaras. The praying and glorifying of Gurus is  conducted through Kirtan that is performed twice daily in                                  all Gurdwaras. It is the most important ritual, Sant Baba Gurdev  Singh Jee always initiate Kirtan before constructing Gurdwara building.                                 

*Ragiis (Monks): *Our Ragiis are self-motivated, celibate  and devoted to Sri Guru Granth Sahib Jee, Sikh religion and Sant                                  Baba Gurdev Singh Jee. The Ragiis of our organization live a  very simple life under penance. We have lot of Ragiis in                                  India at each Gurdwara but between 5-8 Ragiis in each Gurdwara  outside India. The responsibilities of each Ragii                                  is to offer prayer, religious discourse, sing praises of the  Lord in the chantry, in the Assemblies of God, which run                                  from 2.00 A.M. reveille (pre-dawn) to 9.00 P.M. taps with slight  respite in the afternoon. Our Ragiis however travel                                  from one Gurdwara to other at all times under instruction of  Highest Monk Holy Saint Baba Gurdev Singh Jee.                                 

*Morning Service: *The morning service of prayers starts at  2.00 A.M. and concludes at 6.30 A.M. (In India this service                                  is carried out for an extra half an hour) The service includes  recitation of the part of the Holy Book, chanting                                  hymns, canticles, liturgical songs and biblical psalms,  delivering homilies, religious discourses and divine                                  sermons, quoting sayings from the scriptures and the Holy Book  and their rendition and interpretation, preaching the                                  Gospel and teaching of the Universal Sikh religion, offering  prayers and addressing Assemblies of God.                                  

*Evening Service: *At 3.30 P.M., the priests bathe and go  to the Deewan Hall at 4.00 P.M. to lay the liturgical settings                                  for the evening session. The evening session begins with a  recital from the Holy Book after which full service starts.                                  This is an exact replica of the morning session and is  orchestrated and conducted with great gusto to the                                  accompaniment of musical instruments and concludes with taps at  9.00 P.M (In India this service is carried out for an extra one hour).                                  

*Special Services:* In addition, some special services are  also performed. In commemoration of the Founding Guru’s (Sri                                  Guru Nanak Dev Jee) birth is held continuous recitation of Sri  Guru Granth Sahib Jee without any break for seven days                                  every month on the eve of Pooranmashi (Full Moon day). All the  Ragiis (Monks) and devotees take part in it for a turn                                  of two hours at a stretch. This is followed by a concluding  ceremony that singularly glorifies Sri Guru Nanak Dev Jee.                                  Beside this Masya (No Moon Day) is celebrated at Banwala Anu and  Southhall, Dashmi (10th Day from Masya) is celebrated at                                  Kandila and Bagthala, Masand (Last Day of a Lunar Calendar  Month) is celebrated at Bhadaur and Sangrand (1st Day of                                  Lunar Calendar Month) at Samadh Bhai each month.                                 

                                                                 On Sundays following the Pooranmashi every month and after the  Sangrand, Masand, Dashmi and Masya ceremony is held a                                  ceremony at Gurdwara marking induction, presentation of  candidates for partaking Amrit (baptisation ceremony).                                 

                                                                 There are other special days celebrated at each Gurdwara as  outlined in the Calendar every year.                                 

*Special Functions:* In a Calendar Year, two big functions  are celebrated by our Institution in India. The one is in                                  February-March each year, which is celebrated in our New Delhi’s  Nanaksar Gurdwara. The Sampat Akhand Path of Sri                                  Guru Granth Sahib Jee is carried out in three turns that starts  on February14 (February 15 in leap year) and                                  culminates with the full fervor on March 4 each year. The other  function is celebrated at Samadh Bhai, our first                                  Gurdwara to commemorate the Barsi of Sant Baba Ishar Singh Jee.  These are Tuk Tuk Wale Sri Sampat Akhand Paths                                  (recitation of Mool Mantar and special hymn at each line) of Sri  Guru Granth Sahib Jee that are completed in 25 days. It                                  starts every year on September 14. The Rein Sabai (all-night  long) Kirtan is performed after the Bhog of Sri Sampat                                  Akhand Paths. Famous Ragi Jathas feel privileged to come and  perform the free Kirtan for the Sangat assembled at the                                  occasions from not only from all over the India rather from  different parts of the globe.                                  

                                                                 It is important to note that all the services carried out at  Nanaksar Gurdwaras are done for the welfare of the mankind.                                  In the main Sachkhand, Ardas is carried out only for the welfare  of the mankind and not in the name of any person.                                 

                                                                 Nishan Sahib in not erected in any of Nanaksar Gurdwaras because  it is a political symbol or an army flag. At                                  Nanaksar, politics is never mixed with religion. Nanaksar is the  center of pure devotion and Bhagtee and is equally                                  available to people of all denominations as per the philosophy  and teaching of our reverend Gurus that their                                  teaching, lessons and blessings are for each and every one.  Therefore on different celebrations in each Gurdwaras, the                                  following Dargai Parsaad (Divine Blessings) is given to each and  every one. Sangat visiting the Gurdwaras is told that                                  till the coming function, every family should do or get done one  Sehaj Path of Sri Guru Granth Sahib Jee or 50 Paths of                                  Sri Sukhmani Sahib or 250 Paths of Japji Sahib or 6 Malas with  108 beads of Mool Mantar from IK ON KAAR to NANAK HOSI                                  BHEE SACH every day or 80 Malas of Waheguru every day. For  Hindus 80 Malas of Ram Ram and for Muslim, 80 Malas of Allah                                  Allah of 108 beads every day. Similarly Christian can do 80  Malas of Issa Issa of 108 beads every day. In the Ardas of                                  monthly celebration at each Gurdwaras, the Ardasia (Lead Monk  performing prayers) says that Pichlay Pathan De Bhog                                  Pah Han (Bhogs of the recitations done by Sikh Sangat at their  home since last monthly celebrations) to include these                                  Paths (Divine Blessings) in Ardas (Prayers) at each Gurdwara.


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## Santokh Singh1989 (Jul 21, 2010)

I'm planning on taking amrit soon, God Willing, and have been studying various rehits. I think the ones that I find the most interesting are the Damdami Taksal Rehit and the Nihang Rehit, which for the most part, I've noticed, are very similar. I have great respect for both of them but I feel for me they're almost too extreme in some ways and I would hate myself if I chose to follow their rehits took amrit and wasn't able to uphold and live by it every day. Where as the SGPC's SRM seems to be a little more... I don't know if laid back is the term I want to use but thats the term I'm going to use.  

  I think thats one thing that has been holding me back from taking amrit. Fear that I'll disgrace myself and mess up one way or another. As far as amrit ceremonies go, I don't really have too much of a choice. I live in PHX, AZ and there are only (as far as I know) 2 groups here. The Standard, I guess you could say, "Orthodox" Sikhs who take the Rehit of the SGPC and do the standard Amrit ceremony, and the 3HO who as far as I know follow the same Rehit but have a slightly different Amrit ceremony. SO I don't really have a the ability to take the Nihang Amrit or the Damdami Amrit unless I left Arizona, which is not an option due to my monetary issues. It can all be very confusing and upsetting for me at times.

And a question for the elders. I know this is an old thread and I don't know if Anyones goign to respond to this but. Is it essential that I be able to speak and completely understand Panjabi to take amrit.
Thank you all VJKK VJKF
ikonkaar


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## spnadmin (Jul 21, 2010)

Or, santokh singh ji

You could wait until you are more certain of yourself. Until you are you will be wearing a "suit of clothes" that do not quite fit because they belong to someone else. And they won't be comfortable - too tight, too loose. By the time you are ready you may have the funds to go where you need to go to find the rehat that fits you.


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## Santokh Singh1989 (Jul 22, 2010)

Kaur ji
I'm not afriad that the suit will not fit. I know and have faith that it will. I just don't know what color suit I want to wear. With that being said, me taking Amrit is not going to be something that happens tomarrow, or next tuesday, or next month, or probably even in the next 2 months. But it is indeed something thats going to happen because its what my heart and soul wants to happen, and its probably going to happen in the not too distant future because thats what I feel my soul desires. I've wanted to do it for a year and a half now, and have been slowly, step by step learning, reading, studying, comparing and practising little by little building myself up for that point, which I feel is drawing near. It's just a matter of what "color" suit I want to where. God willing when that time comes if I decide I need to go out of state or out of country to do what I need to do hopefully Akaal will provide the necessary tools get there. Anywyas as a side note, very nice article. It was very illuminating.
Sat Naam ji


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## Randip Singh (Jul 22, 2010)

Santokh Singh1989 said:


> I'm planning on taking amrit soon, God Willing, and have been studying various rehits. I think the ones that I find the most interesting are the Damdami Taksal Rehit and the Nihang Rehit, which for the most part, I've noticed, are very similar. I have great respect for both of them but I feel for me they're almost too extreme in some ways and I would hate myself if I chose to follow their rehits took amrit and wasn't able to uphold and live by it every day. Where as the SGPC's SRM seems to be a little more... I don't know if laid back is the term I want to use but thats the term I'm going to use.
> 
> I think thats one thing that has been holding me back from taking amrit. Fear that I'll disgrace myself and mess up one way or another. As far as amrit ceremonies go, I don't really have too much of a choice. I live in PHX, AZ and there are only (as far as I know) 2 groups here. The Standard, I guess you could say, "Orthodox" Sikhs who take the Rehit of the SGPC and do the standard Amrit ceremony, and the 3HO who as far as I know follow the same Rehit but have a slightly different Amrit ceremony. SO I don't really have a the ability to take the Nihang Amrit or the Damdami Amrit unless I left Arizona, which is not an option due to my monetary issues. It can all be very confusing and upsetting for me at times.
> 
> ...



The entire SGPC Rehat is published in English:

Here is a synopsis:

*
In the Rehit Marayada (http://www.sgpc.net/rehat_maryada/section_six.html), Section Six, it states: 


 The undermentioned four  transgressions (tabooed practices) must be avoided 
1. Dishonouring the hair;
2. Eating the meat of an animal  slaughtered the Muslim way(Kutha); 
3. Cohabiting with a person other than one's spouse
4. Using tobacco.
Sikh Rehit  Maryada *

Just click on the link above.


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## spnadmin (Jul 22, 2010)

santokh singh ji

It sounds to me as if you are very centered and will make the choice that "suits" your temperament. Randip Singh ji has posted the link to the SRM -- which it seems you have already considered. That would be my choice because it captured Guruji's message in a simple and pure way. Sometimes I believe it is the hardest of all the rehat's because it has so little in the way of do this and do that. We need to find ourselves. You will.


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## Santokh Singh1989 (Jul 22, 2010)

Insha'allah as the muslims say


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## spnadmin (Jul 22, 2010)

Well watch it!!!!!!!!!!!  LOL


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